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Introduction
Jordan has long been recognized as a major host country for refugees, absorbing waves of forced migration even before gaining independence. By 2024, it ranked second globally in terms of the ratio of refugees per capita. According to UNHCR, as of early 2024, approximately 710,000 individuals of concern were registered in Jordan, including large numbers of Syrians, Iraqis, Sudanese, Somalis, and Yemenis.[1] While Jordan is often portrayed as a refugee-friendly nation, local NGOs and advocacy groups highlight the existence of a hierarchical and discriminatory refugee protection system that disadvantages non-Syrian refugees, particularly Yemenis.[2]
Despite fleeing war, economic collapse, and humanitarian crises in their homeland, Yemeni refugees in Jordan face severe protection gaps and systemic discrimination. Unlike Syrian refugees, who benefit from extensive international aid, work permit initiatives, and formal recognition within Jordan’s refugee framework, Yemenis encounter significant barriers to legal status, employment, and essential services. These challenges stem from a combination of legal ambiguity, donor-driven priorities, and Jordan’s selective approach to refugee protection.
This research aims to expose the structural inequalities that place Yemeni refugees in a precarious position within Jordan’s refugee response system. It argues that Jordan’s policies, shaped by geopolitical and economic interests, prioritize nationality over vulnerability, marginalizing refugees from conflicts that receive less international attention. Yemeni refugees, despite facing acute humanitarian needs, receive disproportionately limited assistance, are often denied access to work opportunities, and struggle to secure basic rights such as education and healthcare.
To substantiate this argument, the study examines Jordan’s legal and policy framework, analyzing key domestic laws—including the 1952 Constitution, Law No. 24 of 1973 on Residence and Foreigners Affairs, Labour Law No. 8 of 1996, and the Education Law—as well as Jordan’s agreements with international organizations such as UNHCR and ILO. Additionally, it critiques the Jordan Compact, which has reinforced a two-tiered system favoring Syrian refugees while neglecting others, including Yemenis.
By highlighting these disparities, this research advocates for a more equitable and rights-based refugee protection system in Jordan. It calls for legal reforms, greater accountability in resource allocation, and international pressure to ensure that all refugees—regardless of nationality—receive equal protection and opportunities. A just and inclusive refugee system must be guided by principles of human rights and humanitarian need rather than selective international priorities. Addressing the plight of Yemeni refugees in Jordan is not only a legal and moral obligation but also a critical step toward ensuring fair and non-discriminatory refugee policies on a global scale.
2. Disparities in Refugee Status Recognition: The Case of Yemeni Refugees in Jordan
Jordan has long been a major host country for refugees, accommodating displaced populations from Palestine, Iraq, Syria, and other nations. However, its refugee protection system employs a country-of-origin model, which results in a hierarchical and selective approach to asylum recognition. While Jordan provides extensive support to Syrian refugees, smaller refugee communities, including Yemenis, face significant barriers in obtaining legal recognition and accessing humanitarian assistance. As of early 2024, UNHCR registered approximately 12,767 Yemeni refugees in Jordan, a number overshadowed by the dominant Syrian refugee population.[3]
The country-of-origin model leads to discriminatory policies where nationality determines the level of assistance received. Syrians benefit from prima facie refugee status, granting them automatic recognition and access to UNHCR assistance without undergoing the Refugee Status Determination (RSD) process. In contrast, Yemeni asylum-seekers must undergo an arduous RSD process to be recognized as refugees and become eligible for monthly cash assistance. This requirement places an additional burden on Yemenis, many of whom fled conflict and persecution with limited documentation.
Further compounding these challenges, in March 2015, UNHCR introduced a New Approach policy that limited RSD processing for Iraqi and Yemeni asylum-seekers to cases deemed urgent or extreme based on vulnerability. This policy shift significantly reduced the number of Yemenis granted official refugee status, leaving many in legal limbo without access to essential services. Additionally, the implementation of Resolution 2713 in January 2019 further restricted non-Syrians’ ability to obtain refugee recognition by preventing those who entered Jordan on visas for medical care, work, tourism, or study from registering with UNHCR. This exclusion disproportionately impacted Yemeni asylum-seekers, many of whom initially entered Jordan through these legal channels.[4]
3. Hierarchical Resource Allocation and the Marginalization of Yemeni Refugees
The unequal treatment of Yemeni refugees is further exacerbated by Jordan’s humanitarian coordination system, which prioritizes Syrian refugees in resource allocation. Non-Syrians, including Yemenis, are collectively classified as “other refugees,” limiting their access to aid and integration programs. This classification effectively marginalizes Yemeni refugees within Jordan’s refugee assistance framework.
The Jordan Response Plan (JRP), the primary mechanism for planning and financing refugee assistance, is largely centered on Syrians, with limited provisions for non-Syrian refugees. Yemeni refugees, like Iraqis, Sudanese, and Somalians, are ineligible for critical aid programs such as WFP food vouchers and UNICEF’s Child Cash Grants (CCGs). Although UNHCR provides some financial support to Yemenis, asylum-seekers remain ineligible for monthly cash assistance, leaving many in precarious financial situations.[5]
At the international level, the Jordan Compact Agreement, signed in 2016, has reinforced the exclusion of non-Syrian refugees. While this agreement facilitated economic opportunities and legal work permits for Syrian refugees, it provided no such benefits for Yemenis. The Compact’s focus on securing funding for Syrian employment and education initiatives has left Yemeni refugees with no formal work authorization, pushing them into informal labor markets where they face exploitation and legal uncertainty.[6]
4. The Impact of Legislative Ambiguity on Yemeni Refugees
The absence of a domestic legal framework governing refugee status in Jordan further entrenches the precarious position of Yemeni refugees. The Jordanian Constitution makes only one reference to asylum, stating that political refugees shall not be extradited due to their political beliefs.[7] However, this provision is rarely applied, and in practice, Jordan does not have a formal asylum law. Instead, refugees fall under Law No. 24 of 1973 on Residence and Foreigners Affairs, which regulates the entry and residence of all foreign nationals, including asylum-seekers.[8]
This legal ambiguity results in inconsistent policies and bureaucratic hurdles that disproportionately impact Yemeni refugees. Without official refugee status, many Yemenis are unable to obtain work permits or legal residency, increasing their risk of deportation or indefinite statelessness. Furthermore, the absence of clear definitions for “refugee” and “asylum-seeker” has led to Yemenis being categorized under vague terms such as “guests” or “visitors,” depriving them of the legal protections afforded to Syrians.[9]
5. Disparities and Discrimination: A Legal Analysis of Labour Rights for Syrian and Yemeni Refugees in Jordan
The legal framework governing employment rights in Jordan presents significant disparities, particularly between Syrian and non-Syrian refugees. While Syrian refugees have been granted limited access to the labour market through agreements such as the Jordan Compact, non-Syrian refugees—including Yemenis—face systemic exclusion. Jordan’s domestic labour laws fail to provide any special status or protections for refugees, treating them as foreign workers rather than individuals in need of international protection. This analysis explores the employment policies affecting non-Syrian refugees, particularly Yemenis, in the context of Jordan’s domestic legal framework and its international obligations, arguing that Jordan’s restrictive approach violates Article 6 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR).
5.1 Labour Rights Under Jordanian Law
Jordan’s labour laws do not provide specific protections for refugees, effectively treating them the same as other non-Jordanian workers. The 1954 Constitution explicitly reserves employment rights for Jordanian citizens, while Labour Law No. 8 of 1996 mandates that non-Jordanians must obtain a work permit to be legally employed. However, the law does not make any distinction between refugees and other migrant workers, failing to recognize their unique vulnerabilities and protection needs.[10]
In the absence of dedicated refugee legislation, the 1973 Residence and Foreigners’ Affairs Law governs the employment of non-Jordanians. This law requires refugees who wish to work to obtain both a residency and work permit, which must be facilitated and funded by their employer. In practice, this process creates significant barriers for refugees, who often struggle to secure legal employment due to bureaucratic obstacles and financial constraints.[11]
In Jordan, work permits serve as the primary means for non-Jordanians to participate in the formal labour market. Issued by the Ministry of Labour, these permits are limited to specific professions that do not compete with Jordanian workers. Additionally, the Ministry of Labour maintains a list of restricted jobs that non-Jordanians, including refugees, are prohibited from occupying.[12]
Despite these formal procedures, obtaining a work permit remains a significant challenge for refugees. They must undergo security background checks, which can be difficult due to the lack of official documentation, particularly for those fleeing conflict zones. Furthermore, while employers are technically responsible for covering permit fees, in many cases, refugees themselves must bear the costs, which are prohibitively expensive given their precarious economic circumstances.[13]
Although Jordan has taken steps to improve employment access for some refugees, such as the 2016 Jordan Compact Agreement—which allowed for the issuance of 200,000 work permits to Syrian refugees in exchange for international financial aid—this policy has further deepened the divide between Syrian and non-Syrian refugees. By limiting legal employment opportunities to Syrians, non-Syrian refugees, including Yemenis, are left without legal work authorization, pushing them into informal and often exploitative labour conditions. This exclusion exacerbates their vulnerability, forcing many to work illegally to sustain themselves, thereby increasing their risk of exploitation and legal repercussions.[14]
The Jordan Compact significantly improved Syrian refugees’ access to the Jordanian labour market by allocating 200,000 work permits in exchange for $1.8 billion in international aid and trade benefits. This initiative introduced exemptions, flexible permits, and eased restrictions for Syrians, leading to their gradual integration into the workforce. However, the Compact also created a refugee hierarchy, exclusively benefiting Syrians while excluding other refugee groups such as Yemenis from similar opportunities. As a result, Yemeni refugees remain marginalized, lacking legal work authorization and facing continued economic hardship.[15]
5.2 Current Practices, Policies, and Laws for Yemeni Refugees
Yemeni refugees in Jordan face significant legal and policy barriers to employment, as they are excluded from the provisions of the Jordan Compact.[16] Unlike Syrian refugees, Yemenis do not have access to preferential work permits or exemptions from standard labour regulations.[17] While Yemeni refugees were initially allowed to apply for work permits under Jordan’s general regulations for foreign workers, a policy shift in March 2020 imposed new restrictions. These regulations now require Yemeni refugees to choose between holding a work permit or maintaining their asylum seeker status, effectively preventing them from legally working while awaiting resettlement.
This restriction places Yemeni refugees in a difficult position: they must either give up their UNHCR-issued Asylum Seeker Certificate to obtain a work permit—losing access to potential resettlement—or remain unemployed while awaiting a lengthy and uncertain asylum process. As a result, many Yemenis are forced to work illegally, exposing them to exploitation, underpayment, and precarious working conditions. Reports indicate that undocumented Yemeni workers frequently endure abusive labour practices, including wage theft, excessive working hours, and poor workplace safety.[18]
Beyond economic hardship, the legal framework places Yemeni refugees at risk of deportation. Since 2020, Jordanian authorities have deported numerous Yemeni refugees for working without permits, even if they were in the process of applying for one. This policy has created fear among the Yemeni refugee community, discouraging many from seeking employment or reporting abuses by employers.[19]
5.3 Compliance with International Law
Jordan has ratified several international agreements that protect the right to work, including the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), and the Convention on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD). However, the country has not ratified the 1951 Refugee Convention, which explicitly safeguards refugees’ right to work. Despite this, under Article 6 of the ICESCR, Jordan is still obligated to ensure non-discriminatory access to employment for all individuals, including refugees.
By restricting Yemeni refugees’ right to work based on their nationality and asylum status, Jordan violates its obligations under the ICESCR. The UN Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights has clarified that work rights must be guaranteed “to everyone, including non-nationals such as refugees and asylum seekers, regardless of legal status and documentation.” Furthermore, under Article 2 of the ICESCR, Jordan must eliminate discrimination in employment laws and policies. The practice of forcing Yemeni refugees to surrender their asylum seeker status to obtain a work permit creates a discriminatory system that denies them equal protection under the law.
Additionally, the Jordan Compact Agreement, which secured international funding and trade benefits for improving Syrian refugees’ access to employment, fails to address the needs of Yemeni refugees.By prioritizing Syrian refugees while excluding other vulnerable groups, the Jordanian government has effectively institutionalized a refugee hierarchy that contradicts its human rights obligations. Given that Jordan has received significant international aid, including from the World Bank, to support refugee livelihoods, its failure to extend these protections to Yemeni refugees constitutes a breach of its duty to ensure the right to work for all individuals on its territory.
In conclusion, Jordan’s restrictive policies towards Yemeni refugees—forcing them to choose between employment and asylum, exposing them to labour exploitation, and subjecting them to deportation—violate its commitments under international human rights law. To align with its obligations under the ICESCR, Jordan must remove discriminatory barriers and ensure that all refugees, regardless of nationality, have equal access to legal employment.
6. Assessing The Right To Education Under Jordan’s Domestic Law: The Case of Yemeni Refugees
In the context of the right to education, Jordan’s domestic legal framework primarily focuses on Jordanian nationals, often excluding non-Jordanians, including Yemeni refugees. This exclusion is evident in Article 20 of the Jordanian Constitution, which restricts the principle of compulsory primary education to Jordanian citizens. The article states, “Basic education shall be compulsory for Jordanians”, thereby failing to explicitly extend this right to refugee children, including Yemenis. At the same time, Article 10(a) of the Law of Education upholds the principle of compulsory education but does not make provisions for non-Jordanians.[20]
This legal gap is further reinforced by the First Graders Admission and Registration Instructions No. 4 of 2017 and the Admission Standards for Jordanian and Non-Jordanian Students for the 2017/2018 school year. These policies introduce a discriminatory structure that differentiates between Jordanian and non-Jordanian students and further categorizes non-Jordanian students based on nationality. While Syrian refugees benefit from relaxed entry requirements under the Jordan Compact Agreement, Yemeni refugee children face considerable hurdles to enrollment.[21]
One of the most significant barriers is the requirement for documentation. Admission for non-Jordanian students, including Yemenis, necessitates the submission of various documents such as parents’ residency and work permits, the student’s birth certificate, medical records, and vaccination history.[22] Given the nature of forced displacement, many Yemeni refugees arrive in Jordan without these documents, making it exceedingly difficult for their children to access formal education. This bureaucratic obstacle effectively excludes many Yemeni children from schooling, despite their right to education under international human rights law.
Furthermore, a Jordanian regulation stipulates that students who have been absent from school for three years or more are not eligible for readmission. This rule applies disproportionately to non-Syrian refugee children, including Yemenis, who often experience prolonged disruptions in education due to instability and conflict in their home country. Once in Jordan, these children face additional legal barriers that prevent them from resuming their studies, exacerbating their educational marginalization.[23]
Unlike Syrian refugees, who benefit from donor-supported initiatives and increased school capacity, Yemeni refugees do not receive the same level of institutional support. While the Jordan Compact Agreement facilitated the inclusion of Syrian children in public education through double-shift schools and other accommodations, no equivalent program exists for Yemeni refugees. As a result, many Yemeni children are left with limited educational options, often turning to informal or unregulated schooling, which lacks accreditation and recognition by Jordanian authorities.
In conclusion, Jordan’s domestic education laws and policies create systemic barriers for Yemeni refugee children. The documentation requirements, restrictions on re-entry, and lack of targeted support programs place Yemeni children at a distinct disadvantage compared to both Jordanian nationals and Syrian refugees. Addressing these disparities requires policy reforms that extend equal educational access to all refugee children, regardless of nationality, in line with Jordan’s obligations under international human rights law.
6.1 Current Practices, Policies, and Laws for Yemeni Refugees
Access to education remains a significant challenge for Yemeni refugee children in Jordan. Unlike Syrian refugees, who benefit from the Jordan Compact’s provisions, Yemeni refugees face bureaucratic and economic barriers that severely limit their educational opportunities. There are no preferential policies to facilitate their enrollment, and they are subject to stringent documentation requirements and high costs that many families cannot afford.
A major barrier to education for Yemeni refugees is the financial cost. While Syrian refugees are exempt from tuition fees, Yemeni families must pay 40 JD per year for primary education and 60 JD per year for secondary education. Beyond tuition fees, additional financial burdens include the costs of school supplies, uniforms, transportation, and internet access for distance learning. Given that many Yemeni refugee families struggle with economic hardship, these costs can make education unattainable for their children.[24]
In addition to economic constraints, Yemeni refugees face bureaucratic challenges that impede school enrollment. Unlike Syrians, who are exempt from the rule barring children out of school for over three years from re-enrolling, Yemeni children are not granted this exemption. This means that children who have had their education interrupted due to displacement, conflict, or financial hardship face further exclusion from the Jordanian education system.
The documentation requirements imposed on Yemeni refugees present another significant obstacle. According to Jordanian policies, non-Syrian refugees must provide birth certificates, vaccination records, previous educational certificates, and proof of residency to enroll in school. However, many Yemeni families fled their country under emergency conditions and lack these documents. Furthermore, UNHCR registration papers are not considered sufficient proof of residency, meaning that Yemeni refugees, who are classified as foreigners rather than refugees, must secure legal residency permits to access education. Given the difficulties in obtaining such permits, many Yemeni children are effectively barred from Jordan’s public school system.[25]
The uncertainty of policy implementation further complicates access to education for Yemeni refugees. In June 2020, the Ministry of Interior instructed the Ministry of Education to enforce proof of residency requirements, making it even harder for non-Syrian refugees to enroll in schools. While a temporary waiver was issued in October 2020 allowing enrollment under the condition of ‘correcting one’s status,’ families still had to complete the required documentation, leaving children in a precarious and uncertain educational situation.[26]
Moreover, discrimination plays a role in the exclusion of Yemeni refugees from education. As non-Jordanians, they often face difficulties securing enrollment, and school principals have significant discretion in accepting or rejecting refugee students. This decentralized decision-making process means that access to education is inconsistent and often depends on the local school’s policies and capacity.
Overall, the combination of high educational costs, strict documentation requirements, policy inconsistencies, and systemic discrimination creates significant barriers for Yemeni refugee children in Jordan. These obstacles not only limit their educational opportunities but also contribute to their social and economic marginalization.
6.2 Compliance with International Law
Every child has the right to education without discrimination, as outlined in multiple international agreements to which Jordan is a party, including the UNESCO CADE, the ICESCR, the UNCRC, the ICCPR, and CEDAW. Jordan’s obligations under Article 13 of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR) require that primary education be compulsory and free for all, while secondary education should be generally available and accessible to all.The UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights has emphasized that free primary education must be accessible to all children without discrimination. The imposition of tuition fees and indirect costs—such as school materials, uniforms, and transportation—on Yemeni refugees violates Jordan’s international legal commitments under Article 13 of the ICESCR. The financial barriers imposed on Yemeni refugees create significant disincentives to education and undermine their fundamental rights. Under Article 13 of the ICESCR, education must be provided on a non-discriminatory basis. The UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights’ General Comment No. 20 explicitly states that educational access should extend to all non-nationals, including refugees and asylum seekers, regardless of their legal status or documentation. Furthermore, requiring birth certificates or residency permits for school enrollment has been recognized as a form of indirect discrimination against displaced children. The Inter-American Court of Human Rights and the Council of Europe’s Committee on Migration, Refugees, and Population have similarly condemned such policies as barriers to education. In Jordan, the strict documentation requirements imposed on Yemeni refugees align with this definition of indirect discrimination, as many families are unable to obtain the necessary paperwork. As a result, thousands of Yemeni children are effectively denied their right to education, in direct violation of Jordan’s international legal obligations.
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Advocacy for Reform: Addressing Discrimination Against Yemeni Refugees
The structural inequalities within Jordan’s refugee framework must be challenged. Jordan’s policies, shaped by geopolitical and economic interests, prioritize nationality over vulnerability, leaving Yemeni refugees in a precarious situation. Despite facing acute humanitarian needs, Yemeni refugees receive disproportionately limited assistance and lack the legal protections afforded to their Syrian counterparts.
To rectify these injustices, urgent reforms are needed:
Legal and Policy Reforms – Jordan must adopt a more inclusive refugee framework that guarantees equal protection for all refugees, regardless of nationality. Domestic laws such as the 1952 Constitution, the 1973 Law on Residence and Foreigners Affairs, and the 1996 Labour Law must be revised to eliminate discriminatory provisions that restrict Yemeni refugees’ access to legal status and employment.
Equitable Resource Allocation – International donors and humanitarian agencies must ensure that aid distribution is needs-based rather than nationality-based. The current structure, which overwhelmingly favors Syrian refugees through initiatives like the Jordan Compact, must be re-evaluated to ensure that all refugees receive fair assistance.
Access to Employment and Services – The Jordanian government should extend work permit initiatives to Yemeni refugees, allowing them to support themselves and contribute to the economy. Additionally, policies restricting Yemeni refugees from accessing education, healthcare, and social services should be abolished.
International Pressure and Accountability – The global community, including the United Nations and human rights organizations, must hold Jordan accountable for its selective refugee policies. Diplomatic efforts should push for a rights-based approach that prioritizes humanitarian needs over geopolitical considerations.
[1] Zeynep Şahin Mencütek, Refugee Governance, State and Politics in the Middle East (1st end Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2020) 188.
[2] ‘On the Basis of Nationality: Access to Assistance for Iraqi and Other Asylum- Seekers and Refugees in Jordan’(December 2017) https://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/basis-nationality-access-assistance- iraqi-and-other-asylum-seekers-and-refugees-jordan.
[3] UNHCR,‘Jordan Operational Data Portal’(April 2024) https://data.unhcr.org/en/country/jor.
[4] Mennonite Central Committee,‘On the Basis of Nationality: Access to Assistance for Iraqi and Other Asylum- Seekers and Refugees in Jordan’(December 2017).
[5] Rochelle Davis, Grace Benton,Will Todman, Emma Murphy,‘Hosting Guests, Creating Citizens: Models of Refugee Administration in Jordan and Egypt’(June 2017) 36(2) Refugee Survey Quarterly.
[6] Government of Jordan,‘The Jordan Compact: A New Holistic Approach between the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan and the International Community to deal with the Syrian Refugee Crisis’(Supporting Syria & the Region Conference, London, 7 February 2016) https://reliefweb.int/report/jordan/jordan-compact-new-holistic-approach-between- hashemite-kingdom-jordan-and.
[7] Constitution of the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan 1952 art 21.
[8] Law No 24 of 1973 on Residence and Foreigners’ Affairs (Jordan).
[9] Zeynep Şahin Mencütek, Refugee Governance, State and Politics in the Middle East (1st end Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group 2020) 188.
[10] Labour Code, Law No 8 of 1996.
[11] Law No 24 of 1973 (n 43) art 16.
[12] Ibidem.
[13] International Labour Organization Regional Office for Arab States,‘Work permits for Syrian refugees in Jordan’ (2015) 4 https://www.ilo.org/sites/default/files/wcmsp5/groups/public/@arabstates/@ro- beirut/documents/publication/wcms_422478.pdf.
[14] Aaron Williams, ‘Is The Humanitarian Sector Practicing What It Preaches’(February 2023) https://static1.squarespace.com/static/62900cf85901695762d9fb81/t/640b979789845d7d9b37c386/1678481494556/Is+ The+Humanitarian+Sector+Practicing+What+It+Preaches_Report.pdf.
[15] ILO,‘Impact of work permits on decent work for Syrians in Jordan’(September 2021) https://www.ilo.org/publications/impact-work-permits-decent-work-syrians-jordan.
[16] Mennonite Central Committee,‘On the Basis of Nationality: Access to Assistance for Iraqi and Other Asylum- Seekers and Refugees in Jordan’(December 2017).
[17] Norwegian Refugee Council,‘Guide to employment rights in Jordan’(February 2023) 31 https://www.nrc.no/globalassets/pdf/guidelines/guide-to-employment-rights/jordan-employment-rights-guide.pdf.
[18] Norwegian Refugee Council,‘Guide to employment rights in Jordan’(February 2023) 31 https://www.nrc.no/globalassets/pdf/guidelines/guide-to-employment-rights/jordan-employment-rights-guide.pdf.
[19] Human Rights Watch,‘Jordan: Yemeni Asylum Seekers Deported Others Face Deportation Decisions’(March 2021) https://www.hrw.org/news/2021/03/30/jordan-yemeni-asylum-seekers- deported#:~:text=The%20authorities%20handed%20down%20most,Commissioner%20for%20Refugees%20(UNHCR)
[20] Ali Mohamed Aldabbas, Kamal Jamal Alawamlehb and Worud Jamal Awamlehc,‘Jordan’s Commitment towards Compulsory and Free Basic Education as a Constitutional Right: An Analytical Field Study’(2020) 35 Arab Law Quarterly 374.
[21] li Mohamed Aldabbas, Kamal Jamal Alawamleh and Worud Jamal Awamleh, ‘Jordan’s Commitment towards Compulsory and Free Basic Education as a Constitutional Right: An Analytical Field Study’(2020) 34(4) Arab Law Quarterly 356.
[22] Ibidem.
[23] Mona Christophersen,‘Securing Education for Syrian Refugees in Jordan’(International Peace Institute, May 2015) https://www.ipinst.org/wp-content/uploads/2015/05/IPI-E-pub-Securing-Education-for-Syrian-Refugees.pdf accessed 8 September 2024.
[24] Samia Qumri,‘Iraqi Refugee Children’s Quest for Education in Jordan’(June 2012) 24 Peace Review: A Journal of Social Justice 198.
[25] Human Rights Watch,‘Preventing a lost Generation: Jordan-“We are afraid for their future”-Barriers to education for Syrian refugee Children in Jordan’(August 2016) https://www.hrw.org/report/2016/08/16/were-afraid-their- future/barriers-education-syrian-refugee-children-jordan.
[26] One Refugee Approach Working Group (n 207).